By Marwan Kabalan, Special to Gulf News
Over the past two years, Lebanese politics has been crippled by the
inability of the country’s political forces to agree on a successor to
former president, General Michel Sulaiman, whose six-year term had come
to an end in May 2014. Since then, Lebanon’s political class has looked
beyond their borders for a solution to their problems, hoping that a
regional power-broker would come to their rescue. However, with the key
regional actors preoccupied with other pressing issues, most notably the
conflict in Syria and Iraq, Lebanon’s leaders finally decided to rely
on their own political skills to agree on a presidential candidate. This
endeavour led earlier this year to shaking up the alliances within the
two main political camps in major ways. Sa’ad Hariri, leader of the
March 14 Alliance and former premier, took his allies off guard last
year when he backed the bid of Sulaiman Frangieh, a nominal member of
the opposing March 8 alliance for presidency. Meanwhile, one of Hariri’s
main allies within the March 14 camp, Samir Geagea of the Lebanese
Forces, supported the bid of General Michel Aoun, a nominal coalition
partner of Frangieh.
At the time, Geagea interpreted Hariri’s
uncoordinated move as an affront and evidence that the former premier
was taking for granted the support of his Maronite coalition partners
when deciding the fate of the presidency, the single remaining bastion
of Maronite power in the Lebanese political system. Members of Hariri’s
own Future Movement in the north of the country were also unimpressed by
the nomination of Frangieh, whose strong ties to the regime of Syrian
President Bashar Al Assad were particularly problematic as Lebanon’s
northern districts had suffered immensely under the Syrian military
administration for more than three decades (1975-2005). Additionally,
Hariri’s gambit has played into a long-standing regional rivalry between
Frangieh’s clan and that of Geagea’s.
nomination of Frangieh reverberated throughout the opposing March 8
coalition. Opposition from perennial candidate Aoun was based not only
on his long-standing ambitions for presidency, but also on a sectarian
reading of Lebanese politics in which Muslim politicians appeared to
have been trying to “impose” their choice of president.
his sectarian position clear, Aoun embarrassed his Christian rivals in
the March 14 camp, as well as his former ally Frangieh, who looked very
much like a pawn in the hands of Hariri.
nomination of Frangieh may have been intended to split the March 8 camp,
but has in fact served to undo the entire political equilibrium in
Lebanon, which took shape in the wake of the assassination of former
prime minister Rafik Hariri. Within this context, one can only
understand Geagea’s support for Aoun. For Geagea, Hariri’s support for
Frangieh was not only a painful reminder of his long-standing rivalry
with a competing Maronite leader, but was also a personal affront for
what should have been the Lebanese Forces leader’s due right to choose a
Maronite president. Geagea thus wanted to make clear to both Hariri and
Frangieh that his role as kingmaker in the Lebanese Christian community
could not be overlooked. Not one to be undone, Geagea quickly turned
the tables by announcing his support for his own former arch enemy,
Aoun, demonstrating to his March 14 allies as well as his opponents in
the March 8 movement that he continued to hold the reins of power when
it came to deciding the next president.
By sticking to the rules of Lebanon’s political game, where power is
divided along sectarian lines, Geagea has won the backing of the
Christian grass roots and defied Hariri’s attempt to sideline Lebanon’s
Christians, when choosing the president.
Hariri seems to have
learnt the lesson for a price, though. He has hence decided to take
another surprising move by announcing his support for Aoun. Yet, it is
quite unclear if Hariri’s latest move will make it easier to elect a
president. What is clear, however, is that Hezbollah appears to have
lost the initiative in deciding the country’s next president, with
Hariri and Geagea standing behind Aoun.
alliance must be seen as a worrying development for Hezbollah and the
March 8 movement. More so, since it shifts the balance of power that had
prevailed, following the assassination of Rafik Hariri in 2005.
Marwan Kabalan is a Syrian academic and writer.