by reuters -- BEIRUT (Reuters) -Saudi Arabia announced on Friday a ban on imports of fruits and vegetables from Lebanon, blaming an increase in drug smuggling, in a measure that will add to Lebanon's economic woes. Lebanon is already in the throes of a deep financial crisis that is posing the biggest threat to its stability since the 1975-1990 civil war. Its agriculture minister said the move was a "great loss" and that the trade was worth $24 million a year. The Lebanese foreign ministry said it had been informed of the ban through the Saudi embassy and the foreign minister had relayed it to top officials. "Lebanese authorities must exert utmost efforts to control all smuggling operations ... to prevent harm to innocent citizens, farmers, industrialists and the Lebanese economy," the Lebanese foreign ministry statement said.

The ban will take effect from 9:00 a.m. local time on Sunday. Saudi customs authorities at Jeddah had foiled an attempt to smuggle in more than 5.3 million Captagon pills, a type of amphetamine, hidden in pomegranate shipments from Lebanon, said Mohammed bin Ali al-Naim, undersecretary for security affairs at Saudi Customs, according to Saudi Arabia's SPA news agency. Lebanon's caretaker interior minister Mohamed Fahmy told Reuters Lebanon was ready to cooperate with all states to stop drug smuggling and that it had already been exerting "tremendous efforts" but that sometimes smugglers might succeed. One Lebanese official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the ban appeared to be political. "The export of Lebanese vegetables and fruits to the Gulf countries and especially the kingdom was one of the few doors that were still open to bring dollars into the country. Closing this import line increases pressure on Lebanon," he said.

ذا كنا لا نستطيع منع التهريب بشكل عام ومنع توزيع الكبتاغون وتصدير الاذى الى شباب العالم فكيف نشرع الحشيشة لاهداف طبية كمخرج …

BEIRUT, Lebanon, by Dalal Saoud (UPI) -- Lebanon is seeking a quick resumption of U.S.-mediated negotiations over its maritime border dispute with Israel, putting on hold new claims to more offshore territory and resorting to arbitration by inviting international experts to step in, according to Lebanese officials and experts. Israel is being asked to refrain from all exploration activity in the disputed area, potentially rich in oil and gas. The move, which came against a backdrop of changing positions by Lebanon caused mostly by political bickering, different delimitation methods and negotiation tactics, was meant to end the impasse in the indirect talks and reach a deal over the disputed area. Lebanon spent 10 years in negotiations to reach a U.S.-mediated framework agreement that paved the way for unprecedented talks with Israel last October.

But the negotiations were suspended after four rounds when the Lebanese delegation, made up of Army generals and experts, presented a new map that would add 550 square miles (referred to as line 29) to the disputed 330 square mile area (referred to as line 23) of the Mediterranean Sea that each side claims is within their own exclusive economic zones. Debt-stricken Lebanon is in dire need of proceeding with oil and gas discoveries that could help overcome its economic woes. Its negotiations with Israel, which has developed offshore natural gas rigs, "have potential to unlock significant economic benefits for Lebanon," U.S. Under Secretary for Political Affairs David Hale said during a visit to Beirut last week.

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منذ سنةِ 1633 وكاتدرائيّةُ الكبوشيّين في ڤيينا تَضُمُّ أضْرحةَ آل هابسْبورغ أباطرةِ النمسا/هنغاريا. وكانت لجنازاتِـهم طقوسٌ خاصّة: عندَ بلوغِ جُثمان الإمبراطور بابَ الكاتدرائيّةِ الـمُقفَلَ، يَسألُ راهبٌ من الداخل: "مَن الآتي؟" فيُجيبُ ضابطٌ: "أنا الإمبراطورُ الفُلاني..." ويَسرُدُ ألقابَ الإمبراطورِ كاملةً. فيَـرُدّ الراهب: "لا نَعرِفُه، مَن الآتي؟" فيُكرِّرُ الضابطُ الجواب: "أنا الإمبراطور الفلاني..." ويُعدِّدُ الألقابَ مختَصرَةً. فيعودُ الراهبُ ويقول للمرّةِ الثالِثة: "لا نعرِفُه، مَن الآتي؟" حينئذٍ يُعلن الضابط: "أنا الإنسانُ الخاطئُ الحقير". فيَفتحُ الراهبُ البابَ ويتمُّ إِدخالُ النعش.

لا مكانَ للـــ"أَنا" أمامَ الله ولا أمامَ الشعب. ما قيمةُ أمجادِ المناصبِ تجاه اللهِ خالقِ الكونِ، وإزاءَ الشعبِ اللبنانيِّ مصدرِ السلطات (مبدئيًّا). أخَذوا على رئيسِ الجمهوريّةِ قولَه: "أنا ميشال عون"، وتَناسَوا أنَّ هذه الــ"أنا" تَنتشرُ أيضًا بين أركانِ المنظومةِ السياسيّةِ، القديمةِ والمخَضرَمةِ والمستَحدَثة. لدى الزعماءِ الفاشلين قبل الناجِحين. ولدى الـمُعقَّدين قبل الصفائيّين. لدى الّذين صُنِعوا وَهُمْ لا شيءَ قبلَ الّذين صَنَعوا وَهُمْ شيءٌ ما. الــ"أَنا" موجودةٌ كذلك بوَفرةٍ في عددٍ من أحزابِنا ومؤسّساتِنا. هي الديكتاتوريّةُ الـمُضْمَرةُ في الديمقراطيةِّ المعلَنةِ. وأصلًا، الديمقراطيّةُ في لبنان فَشِلَت لأنَّ الديمقراطيّةَ عمومًا هي نظامٌ تَسلْسُليٌّ مترابِطٌ يَسقُطُ بكاملِه حين تَنقطعُ حَلْقةٌ من حلَقاتِه. ولأنَّ أحزابَنا انتَقلَت بــــ"أناها" الديكتاتوريّةِ إلى الدولةِ، وحتّى إلى المعارضَة، عَطَّلت ديمقراطيّتَها. أنّى لدولةٍ أن تكونَ ديمقراطيّةً وأحزابُها ديكتاتوريّة، خصوصًا أنَّ الديكتاتوريّةَ مثلُ الديمقراطيّةِ هما نزعةٌ نفسيّةٌ وثقافيّةٌ قبلَ أن تكونا نِظامًا دستوريًّا. وآخِرُ مثلٍ على ذلك "أَنا" القاضيةِ غادة عون، فـــــ"أناها" ليست "أناها" الشخصيّةَ بقدْرِ ما هي "أنا" بيئتِها السياسيّة.