by cnn.com -- Tamara Qiblawi and Ghazi Balkiz, CNN -- Tripoli, Lebanon (CNN) -- A large bag of the thistly gundelia plant arrives at Um Ahmad's door as it does nearly every day. Wearing a double layered headscarf, she settles into a blue armchair. She has until the afternoon to trim the spines off the wild plant for her customers to cook. "We work on the akoub (gundelia) so that we can live," says Um Ahmad, using a pseudonym. When visitors walk into her dark, cavernous room to meet her, she doesn't even look up. A drama series blasts from an old TV. "I get paid 10,000 liras for five kilograms of this," she mumbles, peeling the stems of the spiny plant with a small curved knife. Because the Lebanese lira is in free-fall, her payment is worth just over $2. "The akoub doesn't even come every day," says Um Ahmad, never meeting her guests' eyes. Um Ahmad lives beneath a centuries-old souk (or marketplace) in Lebanon's northern city of Tripoli.
Outside, the city roils with violent demonstrations, known as the "hunger protest." These started just as Lebanon was loosening its coronavirus lockdown, and beginning to contend with poor living conditions exacerbated by the near shutdown of the economy. Nightly confrontations between demonstrators and the Lebanese army have rocked Tripoli over the last week, turning it into the epicenter of the country's renewed uprising against its political elite. Protests against Lebanon's political class, which has ruled the country since its civil war and is widely accused of corruption, engulfed its main urban centers in late 2019. At the time, tens of thousands of Tripoli's protesters flocked onto the streets. The city was dubbed "the bride of the revolution," both because of its energetic protests and because it was believed to have borne the brunt of political corruption. Tripoli is the poorest city in Lebanon, despite being home to some of its most high-profile billionaires. A slum stretches across the banks of the city's Abu Ali river, just minutes from pockets of extravagant wealth. The income disparity was always stark, but these days, Tripoli's locals say it is unbearable. "No one has trust in the banks. No one has trust in the state. There's injustice, there's shame and there's oppression," says Ahmad Aich, who runs a shoe stand. Aich's voice rises to a crescendo. As with many Tripoli natives, the conversation begins with the soft tones of a city folk known for their kindness to strangers, but quickly turns into a tirade about living conditions.

by theguardian.com -- Martin Chulov -- In the heart of the city that used to drive Lebanon’s economy, workers were busy with a rare jolt of enterprise, bolting steel plates to the ruins of its scorched banks. By dusk on Thursday, all of Tripoli’s ransacked branches were encased in armour, shielding piles of smouldering ash and rubble, but coming far too late to protect what had been inside. Over two earlier, violent nights, rioters had looted what they could. Six months after a revolution demanding action from a corrupt ruling class, and with a global pandemic now thrown in, its people are returning to the streets in rage at an enfeebled state that has largely left them to fend for themselves as the middle class sinks into poverty. Tripoli, a hub of a nationwide peaceful uprising last October that electrified the country, is now at the centre of something more raw and desperate – an increasing struggle to survive. The extent of the economic predicament has been laid bare in unusually transparent financial statements that have cast new light on Lebanon’s political structures and left many pondering the viability of a state that has withstood decades of war, occupation and chaos, but now appears adrift.
“We have been executing something like this for 20 years, but not as bad as what we’re living,” said Fida Jundi Hajjeh, the manager of a Tripoli-based NGO, Sanabel Nour, which provides food and other aid to orphans and the impoverished. “The middle class has been demolished. In Tripoli, we’re all from the low socio-economic classes these days.” “As much as we can give is not enough,” she said as small crowds waited silently outside her office for food coupons. “The needs are so great that we sometimes feel we are not doing anything. There are so many employees who have stopped working.” Tripoli during daylight hours in Ramadan is usually subdued, but with the coronavirus closing shops and cafes and most arms of government shut down, its streets are sullen and still. That changes as night draws near, bringing with it the bustle of a normal day. There is no social distancin, and very few face masks to shield people from the virus. “You think we care about that when people can’t feed themselves?” asked Linda Borghol, as she stirred a large vat in a makeshift food kitchen. “Nobody has anything in Tripoli. Nobody can send money. Even if you can send, it’s not easy to collect it. People are literally starving.”
by naharnet.com -- Prime Minister Hassan Diab said on Thursday that his government will go ahead and seek financial assistance from the International Monetary Fund based on an economic and financial reform plan approved earlier in the day. In an address to the nation, Diab described the plan adopted unanimously by the Cabinet as a comprehensive "roadmap" for dealing with the country's spiraling financial crisis, the worst since the 1975-90 civil war. "Today, I can say that we are going the right way to pull Lebanon out of its deep financial crisis," he said. International donors have long demanded that Lebanon institute major economic changes and anti-corruption measures to unlock billions in pledges made in 2018. "We want contributions from the fancy interests that were paid, from those who reaped profit from financial engineering operations and from those who violated the law and stole pubic funds," Diab said. "The plan will restructure the banking and financial sectors..., decrease the current account deficit to 5.6 percent and achieve a return to positive growth as of 2022," he added. Noting that the government will seek "more than $10 billion in foreign aid," Diab said the plan calls for "the instant implementation of the long-awaited reforms." "I call on all Lebanese to consider today a turning point for the future of our country," he said. "The central bank must address the spike in the US dollar exchange rate, because it is responsible for the national currency's stability," Diab suggested.
by scoopempire.com — Rima Fakih, a former beauty queen who made history a decade ago by becoming the first-ever Arab-American woman to …
Khazen History


Historical Feature:
Churches and Monasteries of the Khazen family

St. Anthony of Padua Church in Ballouneh
Mar Abda Church in Bakaatit Kanaan
Saint Michael Church in Bkaatouta
Saint Therese Church in Qolayaat
Saint Simeon Stylites (مار سمعان العامودي) Church In Ajaltoun
Virgin Mary Church (سيدة المعونات) in Sheilé
Assumption of Mary Church in Ballouneh
1 - The sword of the Maronite Prince
2 - LES KHAZEN CONSULS DE FRANCE
3 - LES MARONITES & LES KHAZEN
4 - LES MAAN & LES KHAZEN
5 - ORIGINE DE LA FAMILLE
Population Movements to Keserwan - The Khazens and The Maans
ما جاء عن الثورة في المقاطعة الكسروانية
ثورة أهالي كسروان على المشايخ الخوازنة وأسبابها
Origins of the "Prince of Maronite" Title
Growing diversity: the Khazin sheiks and the clergy in the first decades of the 18th century
Historical Members:
Barbar Beik El Khazen [English]
Patriach Toubia Kaiss El Khazen(Biography & Life Part1 Part2) (Arabic)
Patriach Youssef Dargham El Khazen (Cont'd)
Cheikh Bishara Jafal El Khazen
Patriarch Youssef Raji El Khazen
The Martyrs Cheikh Philippe & Cheikh Farid El Khazen
Cheikh Nawfal El Khazen (Consul De France)
Cheikh Hossun El Khazen (Consul De France)
Cheikh Abou-Nawfal El Khazen (Consul De France)
Cheikh Francis Abee Nader & his son Yousef
Cheikh Abou-Kanso El Khazen (Consul De France)
Cheikh Abou Nader El Khazen
Cheikh Chafic El Khazen
Cheikh Keserwan El Khazen
Cheikh Serhal El Khazen [English]
Cheikh Rafiq El Khazen [English]
Cheikh Hanna El Khazen
Cheikha Arzi El Khazen
Marie El Khazen