يجتازُ لبنانُ أزمةً وجوديّةً بموازاةِ أزَماتِه المتعدِّدةِ تَستدعي أن نقاومَها ونَهزِمَها لئلّا يَتفكّكَ المجتمعُ اللبنانُّي ذاتيًّا من دون حاجةٍ إلى قرارٍ سياسيّ. صار لهذه الأزمةِ الوجوديّةِ ديناميّةٌ خاصّةٌ بها، ومسارٌ نفسانيٌّ مستقلٌ عن مسارِ الأزَمات الأخرى. اللبنانيّون ليسوا سعداءَ في حياتِهم. اِسْأَلُوا وجوهَهُم ووجومَهُم. اِسْأَلُوا عيونَهم ونظراتِهم. اِسْأَلُوا صَمتَهم وتهيبّوا غضبَهم. أفْقَدوهم مشيئةَ الحياةِ ليُحبِطوا إرادةَ الثورة، إذ لا ثورةَ من دونِ قابليّةِ الحياة. حتّى أنَّ الاستشهادَ هو دفاعٌ عن الحياة.

تلاشَت اللمْعةُ التي مَيّزت طلَّةَ اللبنانيّين وغمْزةَ لقاءاتِـهم. اختفَت علاماتُ الفرَحِ وبحيراتُ الابتسامة. إنْ فَرِحوا شَعَروا بحَياءٍ تجاه الآخَرين، وإن حَزِنوا أحَسّوا بالظلمِ لأنّهم أبناءَ الفرحِ يُدعَوْن. كالوَشْم، نُقِشَت صورةُ المرفأِ المتفَجِّرِ على جِباهِهم وتَسرَّبَت إلى الضمير؛ فانْطَووا على ذواتِهم واعتذَروا من البهجَة. ليس بالانكفاءِ يَتِمُّ تخطّي الصعوبات، بل بالمواجهةِ الشاملةِ طالما أنَّ الأزمةَ شاملة. لكن، أين قادةُ المواجهة؟ جميعُهم أصبحوا تسوويّين، حتى الّذين يَدّعون الثورةَ والتغييرَ يخافون قولَ الحقيقةِ. الـــ"نَعَمُ" لديهم باهتةٌ والـ"لا" باردة. تأقَلموا مع الطموحاتِ السياسيّةِ وتَغافلوا عن النضالِ من أجلِ الطموحاتِ الوطنيّة. ومنهم من فَضّلَ السفاراتِ على الساحات.

يَشعُر اللبنانيّون بامتِعاضٍ مُبهَمٍ. يَتحدّثون عنه ويَعجَزون عن تحديدِه. يأتي ويَروح. يَكبُر ويَصغُر. لا يَعرِفون مصدرَه: أطَلعَ منهم أم دَخلَ إليهم؟ أهي ضِيقةٌ مادّيةٌ أم ضيقةٌ نفسيّةٌ أم ضيقةٌ حضارية؟ أيَستَدْعون طبيبًا، أم يَجلِسون بقربِ حبيبٍ، أم يَلوذون بالعائلة، والعائلةُ مُشتتَّةٌ في مشارقِ الدنيا ومغاربِها؟ ظّنوا أنّهم بالحركةِ والرياضة، بالانشغالِ والعمل، بالترفيهِ والقراءة، بالسفرِ والهِجرةِ، يَطردون تلك الضيقةَ الغريبة، لكنّها سُرعانَ ما تُعود إليهم ولو بَلغوا الصين... خالُوها انتقلَت إليهم مع وباءِ كورونا، لكنّهم أخذوا اللَقاحَ مرّةً ومرّتين وثلاثًا، وبَقيَت الضيقةُ جاثمةً على العقلِ والقلبِ والصدرِ وعلى مفاصلِ العافية تتحدّى عزيمتَهم الأسطوريّةَ وصمودَهم التاريخيَّ وقدرَتَهم على التكيّفِ مع المصائب.

By CHRISTOPHER HAMILL-STEWART -- arabnews.com -- LONDON: Hezbollah has used its financial backers in Iran and its significant military arsenal to “permeate the Lebanese state,” according to a paper launched this week. The paper — authored by Lina Khatib, director of London-based think tank Chatham House’s Middle East and North Africa program, and launched at an online event on Thursday attended by Arab News — details how Hezbollah morphed from a resistance group against Israeli occupation to a hybrid power holding the Lebanese state in an ideological stranglehold. “Hezbollah has spread its influence throughout the Lebanese state, from the presidency of the republic to representative political institutions and the civil service, as well as Lebanon’s military and security institutions,” the paper said. “This influence is due to a number of factors: Hezbollah’s benefiting from a reliable external patron — Iran — unlike other parties in Lebanon; Hezbollah’s capacity in terms of organization, funding, physical resources and numbers of followers, which dwarfs that of other Lebanese parties.” Other means used by Hezbollah, the paper said, include the “weakness of the Lebanese state” and the existence of “a political system based on elite pacts.”

Khatib told event attendees that she urges analysts, particularly in the West, to take a “nuanced” approach to understanding the relationship between Lebanon and Hezbollah. “While Hezbollah is a contributing factor to the weakness of the Lebanese state, it’s also a product of the political system in Lebanon,” she said. “As long as the current political system in Lebanon continues to exist, it won’t be possible to reverse Hezbollah’s sway over the Lebanese state.” Khatib said the characterization of Hezbollah as a “state within a state” — popular in academic and policymaking circles — is inaccurate. This characterization “implies that Hezbollah is operating in a way that’s completely detached from the Lebanese state at large. Instead, what I argue is that Hezbollah permeates the state in Lebanon,” she added. “And when we say ‘the state,’ I’m not just talking about the state institutions, I’m also talking about the state as the space for the contestation of power in Lebanon. “This, I think, is vividly illustrated by how Hezbollah, unlike other groups in Lebanon ... has surveillance capacities. That means it’s monitoring not just what happens inside state institutions, but it’s monitoring its allies and its opponents in all kinds of arenas: Cultural, social, education, economic. This is something that gives it a huge tactical advantage.”

By Bassam Zacca -- arabnews.com -- BEIRUT: As Lebanon is increasingly plagued by power outages as a result of the fuel crisis in the country, the blackouts are affecting all sections of society. Status and official standing offer little protection, with politicians and foreign diplomats just as vulnerable as residents and business owners. On Friday morning, two of the nation’s main power plants stopped working completely because of a lack of fuel. This had a knock-on effect on water supplies, as pumping stations cannot operate without electricity or fuel for back-up generators. Since Thursday, power supplies have failed across Bekaa, Tripoli, Saida, Sour, Nabateyye, Baabda, Mount Lebanon and Beirut, with blackouts now affecting more than 90 percent of the country. One of the people feeling the effects was Takeshi Okubo, the Japanese ambassador to Lebanon, who wrote on social media about his fears for the effects of the electricity crisis on healthcare. “Electric power supply is down at my residence since early morning,” he said in a message posted on Twitter. “I was told no prospect of resumption of power supply. My thought is with all the hospitals and clinics.” Within a short space of time his tweet had received more than 747 likes, been retweeted 133 times and attracted more than 55 replies.

Firas Abiad, the CEO and manager of Rafik Hariri University Hospital (RHUH), recently said on Twitter that the main concern at most hospitals in Lebanon now is not the threat posed by the Delta variant of the coronavirus, nor shortages of medical supplies. “The major worry now is electricity, without which medical equipment cannot work,” he wrote. “Old generators cannot continue running nonstop. When they break down, lives will be at risk.” Abiad also sent a letter to government ministers about of the dire consequences of the fuel crisis and blackouts, warning that “backup generators won’t hold up for long amid this recurring and serious crisis.” He noted, for example, that the RHUH has already been forced to switch off air coolers in non-medical wards and some other departments.

BEIRUT, (Reuters) - Lebanese Interior minister Fahmi has denied a request by the judge probing the Beirut port explosion to question a top security official, a document seen by Reuters on Friday showed, as attempts to deliver justice over the catastrophe continue to flounder. Nearly a year after the Aug. 4 explosion, which killed more than 200 people, wounded thousands and devastated swathes of the capital, many Lebanese are furious that no senior officials have been held to account. The blast was caused by a massive quantity of explosive chemicals that had been stored unsafely at the port for years. The request from Judge Tarek Bitar to question Major General Abbas Ibrahim, head of the powerful General Security agency, was rejected by caretaker interior minister Mohamed Fahmy in a letter to the justice minister.

In a statement, Ibrahim said he was subject to the law like all Lebanese, but the probe should take place "far away from narrow political considerations". Bitar became the lead investigator into the blast after his predecessor, Judge Fadi Sawan, was removed in February following requests from two former ministers he had charged with negligence over the blast. Sawan had charged three ex-ministers and the outgoing prime minister Hassan Diab with negligence. But they refused to be questioned as suspects, accusing him of overstepping his powers. A parliamentary committee convened on Friday to study a request by Bitar for immunity to be lifted from former Finance Minister Ali Hassan Khalil, former Public Works Minister Ghazi Zeaiter and former Interior Minister Nohad Machnouk. After being charged, Diab said his conscience was clear, Khalil said he had no role in the blast, and Zeaiter called the charges "a blatant violation". Machnouk has also denied any responsibility.