US Army Gen Joseph L. Votel, commander United States Central Command, meets with President Michel Aoun during his visit to Lebano. On the trip, Votel met with key leaders of the Lebanese government and military to reaffirm a shared commitment of stability and security in the region.

by Joseph A. Kechichian -Gulf news -  Beirut: Lebanon President Michel Aoun met with the commander of the US Central Command (USCENTCOM), Joseph Votel, in what was a highly anticipated consultation to discuss continued American aid to the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) as well as coordinate intelligence sharing against terrorist organisations operating in the country and alongside its borders. Votel reiterated Washington’s commitments to continue its military support to the LAF, and confirmed that the Lebanese military demonstrated innate capabilities to absorb new and sophisticated items. Towards that end, and starting in October, the LAF is scheduled to receive the first of six Super Tucano light attack turboprops, which was contracted in October 2015, originally financed by Saudi Arabia.

In late December 2013, Riyadh offered a $3 billion grant to Beirut to purchase weapons from France and the United States — another $1 billion was added in August 2014 to boost the country’s counter-terrorism forces — though this aid was suspended in early 2016 after Jibran Bassil, the Minister of Foreign Affairs who heads the Free Patriotic Movement and who is allied with Hezbollah, voted against the unanimous League of States (LAS) and Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) resolutions that condemned Iranian attacks on Saudi Arabia’s embassy in Tehran and its consulate in Mashhad. No details were available on the actual sale and which party may settle the final bill estimated at $462 million Importantly, while the Trump Administration is proposing to reduce US military aid to Beirut by 82 per cent in the coming fiscal year [from $103 million in 2017 to $19 million in 2018], Washington pledged to continue its support. It provided more than $1.3 billion in security assistance during the past decade alone, including the transfer of Tow II anti-tank launchers and missiles as well as 18 new Bell UH-1H Huey helicopters. In 2015, Lebanon became the fifth largest recipient of US foreign military financing and the fifth largest annual recipient of US bilateral training programmes though those might now change, something that General Votel discussed with President Aoun.

by Melissa Jun Rowley (@MelissaRowley) - Techchrunch

Asia Joumaa is a Lebanese web developer at the Beirut-based internet company Pixel38 and the top student to graduate from the second training cycle of SE Factory, an intensive coding bootcamp that provides young people with the technical skills they need to land jobs in the Lebanese digital sector — a space dominated by men from the top down of the glassy ceiling, like every tech ecosystem across the globe. “I’ve always wanted to work as a web developer, and then I got into SE Factory, which helped me get there,” shares Joumaa. “There’s a lot of young women who want to get into tech here in Lebanon.” Indeed there are.

At Beirut Digital District (BDD), a bustling tech hub in Lebanon’s capital that provides space and support services to 70 other companies (including SE Factory), the gender ratio is 55 percent women to 45 percent male. At the executive level, the ratio is 80 percent men to 20 percent women. But let’s back up for a second. The fact that more women are holding positions within BDD’s creative tech cluster, which is home to approximately 1,300 employees overall, is a bright anomaly, as there aren’t known tech scenes in the Western world where women outnumber men. In the U.S., the average percentage of women working in the tech industry is 30 percent, while women make up 59 percent of the country’s workforce. Meanwhile in the U.K., the percentage of women working in tech registers at 17 percent — lower than the number of women working in Parliament.

At this moment in time, embracing women in tech at any level should be non-negotiable for any business and government that intends to thrive. This isn’t simply because there is a growing, global crusade of groups championing female entrepreneurs. And it’s not because we’re not waiting 118 years for gender equality to finally transpire — because we’re not, by the way. It’s because women represent the largest market opportunity in the world, as they control $20 trillion in consumer spending a year. According to the 2016 World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Report, Lebanon’s ranking for women’s rights is 135 out of 144. With more players in Lebanon’s digital network contributing to the employment and success of women, that position could and will hopefully change for the better. If the gender trend at BDD continues to expand beyond that community, and if more women in the country begin to pursue founder and executive roles, there’s hope for women to become a larger part of Lebanon’s economy.

  By Elisabeth Sherman One of the world’s rarest, and oldest, cheeses in the world is made in Lebanon through a traditional, …

by Florence Massena, Contributor, Lebanon Pulse - Having become familiar with some of the material, Gino Raidy, the vice president of MARCH, the nongovernmental organization (NGO) behind the museum, told Al-Monitor, “Different trends could be observed according to the decades. In the 1940s, it mostly involved mentioning Israel.” Raidy further asserted, “In the 1950s-1960s, sexual explicitness was tolerated, but not political discussions. In the early 2000s, there was strong opposition to heavy metal. People would be arrested in the streets for wearing a heavy metal band T-shirt as many thought it was satanic. What stood to be censored became clearer after the Syrian army left in 2005, mostly focusing on sectarian and politics-related material. Nowadays, we note that LGBT art and events are getting targeted more and more.” The virtual museum aims to identify not only what has been banned and censored, but also the reasons behind it, in an effort to present the big picture when it comes to limits on freedom of expression in Lebanon.

The database launched on May 24, with an event at Phoenicia University, in Mazraat al-Daoudiyeh, in the south. An exhibition of panels and blackboards with words and names of individuals redacted to symbolize information omitted through censorship was followed by a discussion among free speech experts and activists. Participants included lawyer Hussein el-Achi, photojournalist Hussein Baydoun, author and activist Joumana Haddad, journalist and activist Luna Safwan and graffiti artist Omar Kabbani. In 2013 in Beirut, MARCH had organized “Censorship in Lebanon, An Uncensored Look,” a panel discussion on freedom of expression. Looking ahead, the team hopes to organize others in Tripoli after the end of Ramadan and maybe in the Bekaa Valley. “We believe that getting out of Beirut is important not only to inform people about censorship but also to have more discussions, address a different crowd living in rural areas and see what they think about the issue,” said Raidy, who is also a blogger. “Virtually, anyone can see what cultural material has been banned and censored, as well as what journalists and activists have been through when it comes to the expression of certain issues. We also invite people to submit entries if they hear about something new. Control over every cultural product in Lebanon is based on a law or decree, as detailed in “Censorship in Lebanon: Law and Practice,” a 2010 study by Nizar Saghieh, Rana Saghieh and Nayla Geagea, who are lawyers and members of The Legal Agenda, an NGO that follows socio-legal developments in Lebanon and the broader Middle East.

“Censorship of films in Lebanon is based on four very vague principles: respect for public morals, respect for the reputation or status of state authorities, respect for the sensitivities of the public and avoiding sectarian or religious incitement, and resisting calls that are unfavorable to the interests of Lebanon,” Ghida Frangieh, a lawyer with The Legal Agenda, told Al-Monitor. “If the General Security, which is a security agency, wants to ban a movie, it must refer it to an administrative committee, which reviews the film and gives its recommendation to the Ministry of Interior, which will make the final decision. The procedure is not transparent, and most of the time, the reason why a film is censored or banned is not given.” To this, Raidy added, “From the data we collected, the two main organizations asking General Security for censorship are first the Catholic Information Center and then Dar al-Fatwa,” the leading Sunni religious institution in the country. For example, in Nadine Labaki’s movie “Where Do We Go Now” (2012), a scene with a priest and a sheikh speaking to the public through the local mosque’s loudspeaker was cut. More recently, a Druze cleric's apparition was masked by a black dot in Philippe Aractingi’s 2017 movie “Listen /Ismaii.” Both decisions were supposedly based on concerns of sectarian incitement.